Sunday, September 13, 2009

President Obama talking like a true liberal (for once)

You see, our predecessors understood that government could not, and should not, solve every problem. They understood that there are instances when the gains in security from government action are not worth the added constraints on our freedom. But they also understood that the danger of too much government is matched by the perils of too little; that without the leavening hand of wise policy, markets can crash, monopolies can stifle competition, the vulnerable can be exploited. And they knew that when any government measure, no matter how carefully crafted or beneficial, is subject to scorn; when any efforts to help people in need are attacked as un-American; when facts and reason are thrown overboard and only timidity passes for wisdom, and we can no longer even engage in a civil conversation with each other over the things that truly matter -- that at that point we don't merely lose our capacity to solve big challenges. We lose something essential about ourselves. - President Barack Obama

I thought this guy would never say anything worth quoting again. I was wrong. If this is his first time as president talking like a progressive and not a centrist, let's hope he can walk the walk for once too.

Sunday, September 6, 2009

Van Jones resigns due to pressure from Glenn Beck and Fox News

TV killed our democracy. - David Bazan

The Democratic Party, except for its most progressive members, is basically a subsidiary of corporate America at this point. Congress, with few exceptions, is essentially bought and paid for by our corporate overlords. Corporate money in politics has hijacked our democracy and sent it straight to hell. A sad thing, really. So it goes with a two-party system. I have no faith in either party anymore. The Democratic Party is simply a (slightly) lesser of two very sinister evils.

I write this hours after Van Jones, now former "green jobs czar" of the Obama administration, has resigned due to pressure from, well, Glenn Beck and Fox News - and not the American people. We have lost another brilliant mind in the Obama administration due to right-wing paranoia and hyperbole.

Tuesday, September 1, 2009

Thomas Jefferson writing to Isaac McPherson on "intellectual property"

Thomas Jefferson was a genius. Some of his words have been unfortunately used for gravely perverted purposes (such as his quote that appeared on the t-shirt of Timothy McVeigh, as well as that recent nutcase that brought a loaded gun to a town hall meeting on health care reform). In the following writing, though, Thomas Jefferson demonstrates a brilliant insight about the very concept of ideas. He is absolutely correct in his assertions here, and this makes for a great argument against the current copyright and patent laws in this country.

It has been pretended by some, (and in England especially,) that inventors have a natural and exclusive right to their inventions, and not merely for their own lives, but inheritable to their heirs. But while it is a moot question whether the origin of any kind of property is derived from nature at all, it would be singular to admit a natural and even an hereditary right to inventors. It is agreed by those who have seriously considered the subject, that no individual has, of natural right, a separate property in an acre of land, for instance. By an universal law, indeed, whatever, whether fixed or movable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property for the moment of him who occupies it, but when he relinquishes the occupation, the property goes with it. Stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is given late in the progress of society. It would be curious then, if an idea, the fugitive fermentation of an individual brain, could, of natural right, be claimed in exclusive and stable property. If nature has made any one thing less susceptible than all others of exclusive property, it is the action of the thinking power called an idea, which an individual may exclusively possess as long as he keeps it to himself; but the moment it is divulged, it forces itself into the possession of every one, and the receiver cannot dispossess himself of it. Its peculiar character, too, is that no one possesses the less, because every other possesses the whole of it. He who receives an idea from me, receives instruction himself without lessening mine; as he who lights his taper at mine, receives light without darkening me. That ideas should freely spread from one to another over the globe, for the moral and mutual instruction of man, and improvement of his condition, seems to have been peculiarly and benevolently designed by nature, when she made them, like fire, expansible over all space, without lessening their density in any point, and like the air in which we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable of confinement or exclusive appropriation. Inventions then cannot, in nature, be a subject of property. Society may give an exclusive right to the profits arising from them, as an encouragement to men to pursue ideas which may produce utility, but this may or may not be done, according to the will and convenience of the society, without claim or complaint from anybody. Accordingly, it is a fact, as far as I am informed, that England was, until we copied her, the only country on earth which ever, by a general law, gave a legal right to the exclusive use of an idea. In some other countries it is sometimes done, in a great case, and by a special and personal act, but, generally speaking, other nations have thought that [Volume 3, Page 43] these monopolies produce more embarrassment than advantage to society; and it may be observed that the nations which refuse monopolies of invention, are as fruitful as England in new and useful devices.

Considering the exclusive right to invention as given not of natural right, but for the benefit of society, I know well the difficulty of drawing a line between the things which are worth to the public the embarrassment of an exclusive patent, and those which are not. As a member of the patent board for several years, while the law authorized a board to grant or refuse patents, I saw with what slow progress a system of general rules could be matured.


The Founders' Constitution
Volume 3, Article 1, Section 8, Clause 8, Document 12
http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/a1_8_8s12.html
The University of Chicago Press

The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Edited by Andrew A. Lipscomb and Albert Ellery Bergh. 20 vols. Washington: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1905.

Monday, August 24, 2009

President Obama, temporary safety or essential liberty?

They who can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety. — frequently attributed to Benjamin Franklin


In just a few weeks, President Obama will have been in office longer than George W. Bush was without a major terrorist attack on United States soil. On September 12, 2009 the talking points of Dick Cheney, asserting that Obama administration policies have made us less safe, will drift further into irrelevance.

This is a good time for reflection on some of the policies the Bush administration put into place in order to combat terrorism, namely the USA PATRIOT Act (Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act). Taken from AnswerNote, here are some of the most dangerous and disturbing sections of the USA PATRIOT Act:

  • Section 218 amends the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), authorizing secret searches without public knowledge or Department of Justice accountability, so long as the government can allege a foreign intelligence basis for the search.


  • Section 213 warrants -- "Sneak and Peek" -- extend the authority of FISA searches to any criminal search. This allows for secret searches of one's home and property without prior notice.


  • Section 214 permits the removal of the warrant requirement for "Pen registers" which ascertain phone numbers dialed from a suspect's telephone and "Trap and trace" devices which monitor the source of all incoming calls, so long as the government can certify that the information likely to be obtained is relevant to an ongoing investigation against international terrorism.


  • Section 216 clarifies that pen register/trap-and-trace authority applies to Internet surveillance. The Act changes the language to include Internet monitoring, specifically information about: "dialing, routing, and signaling." It also broadens such monitoring to any information "relevant to an ongoing criminal investigation."


  • Section 206 authorizes roving wiretaps: allowing taps on every phone or computer the target may use, and expands FISA to permit surveillance of any communications made to or by an intelligence target without specifying the particular phone line or computer to be monitored.


  • Section 505 authorizes the use of an administrative subpoena of personal records, without requiring probable cause or judicial oversight.


Faced with a national security crisis, makeshift laws like this may have somehow made sense to members of Congress and those in the Bush administration at the time. But eight years later, such far-reaching legislation must be revisited at the very least, and eventually repealed. Our country must wake up and realize that such policies, along with U.S.-sanctioned torture and other recent so-called anti-terrorism government practices, do not make us safer; they make us less safe.

When President Obama promised to change the tone in Washington D.C., it would have been truly naive to believe that he would do so. Every politician running for national office pledges to change the way American politics works, but in nearly every case, American politics changes them. So it goes. However, when I voted for President Obama, I did expect him to make substantive changes in policy from the Bush administration, especially in the arena of civil liberties. This is one of the cases where he has failed to do so.

This neglect of civil liberties has been brought to the forefront of national memory by the recent flare up of discussion regarding allegations made by former secretary of the Department of Homeland Security Tom Ridge that politics affected decisions on whether to raise the Homeland Security threat level before the 2004 elections. Such a Homeland Security threat advisory system (available for online viewing here: http://www.dhs.gov/files/programs/Copy_of_press_release_0046.shtm) is a vivid reminder of some of the foolish policies our nation was tricked into accepting without much of a debate on the merits. Regardless of the truth behind Mr. Ridge's allegations, it brought the threat level back into the news, if only briefly, demonstrating its obsolescence. In addition to this, more details are being released today of alleged torture techniques used by the CIA and authorized by the Bush administration, including threats of death and threats of assault on family members made to detainees.

I have supported most of President Obama's economic and domestic policy initiatives, including his ongoing push for health care reform, compromising though it may be. Yet when it comes to national security and civil liberties, Obama has been consistently weak, disappointing progressives, civil libertarians, and others concerned about individual liberty. It is somewhat understandable that Obama would wait at least a few months before considering what steps need to be taken on these issues, as many other pressing issues had to be addressed in an immediate fashion, such as the economic crisis he inherited. But patience among those concerned with civil liberties is wearing very thin, and this upcoming grim milestone of sorts is a good time for Obama to revisit these issues and ask himself what most Americans have been asking for a very long time now: Do these policies really make us safer or are they more of a threat than the problems that they aim to solve?

Tuesday, May 20, 2008

The New Deal to End the War over Intellectual Property

By its very nature, intellectual property is something that is incredibly difficult to deal with in legal terms, because there is no way to conclusively define it or its limits. Age old debates rage on regarding a host of definitions, boundaries, claims, and questions under such a broad, ambiguous topic. When Mark Getty, chairman of Getty Images, a media company that owns a vast amount of images, famously described intellectual property as the oil of the 21st century, he was absolutely correct (Brown). Just as wars have been fought over the natural resource of oil, so will they be fought, figuratively at least, over intellectual property in the information age. Intellectual property is not a limited natural resource, but as Getty’s quote demonstrates, the content industry is doing everything they can to make it seem that way. They accomplish this in a variety of ways, many of which are unfair or at least unreasonable. Turning intellectual property, and consequently information in general, into a “limited resource” of sorts poses a serious problem for society and for the rights of the individual, but before this can be stopped, it must be clear who the perpetrators are. The content industry is a broad term used to describe the companies who own a big share of media and claim exclusive rights to that media, including music, movies, writings, and other information. In particular, the music industry is the primary one involved in the “war” over intellectual property and is a good representation of the bigger picture. There is a desperate need for the current, outdated business model defended by the Recording Industry Association of America to be replaced by a model such as the Voluntary Collective License, which both legalizes peer-to-peer file sharing, but also provides compensation for the artists.

The Voluntary Collective License was brought forth by the Electronic Frontier Foundation (Schwabach 80). Such a system would set up a collecting entity that could collect a monthly fee from file sharers, who would then be able to distribute and share music files over the Internet legally and in a way that they see fit. This monthly fee would be a reasonable fee such as $5 as the EFF suggested, and it would be added onto another cost such as the ISP subscription price. Musicians would be paid based on how much their music is downloaded, which is a statistic that would need to be closely watched by the collecting entity. The Electronic Frontier Foundation, a technology activism group, is not alone in such a suggestion. Greg Kot, music critic for the Chicago Tribune, agrees with such a business model as well. In his recent article, “How $5 could Save the Music Industry,” Kot points out that not everyone in the music industry has got it wrong. The Songwriters Association of Canada is also pushing for a nearly identical model to be used, where the $5 monthly fee simply becomes part of the price of every Internet connection in the country, virtually making access to music something that just comes with the Internet (1). Even in the worst case scenario, this would serve the industry better than its current plan, with sales declining and more money being lost every year (1).

Before one can understand why such a solution is needed, the concept of intellectual property must be closely examined. Though it is not what is directly, consciously being fought over, all of the conflict regarding illegal file sharing of music stems from the issue of intellectual property. James Boyle, in the Harvard Journal of Law & Technology, points out that in American history, “intellectual property law is largely motivated by utilitarian concerns,” and it is not meant to hand out “rewards for hard work” (Boyle 2). Rather, as defined by the Constitution in the Patent and Copyright Clause, the purpose of intellectual property law is in fact “to promote the progress of science and useful arts” (Schwabach 4). One aspect that has consistently been absent in American law on intellectual property is that of “moral rights,” which Aaron Schwabach in his book Intellectual Property: A Reference Handbook describes as including the “right to protect the work from changes” and the “right to withdraw a work from distribution” (5). Schwabach contends that in the United States, copyright is an economic right and not a moral one, and that it is aimed at helping society rather than the author (4–5). Michele Boldrin and David Levine of The American Economic Review also distinguish another form of intellectual property that has not been traditionally protected under American law, which they name “downstream licensing,” when a creator of a work is able to determine what can and cannot be legally done with that work after it has been legally sold to the consumer (Boldrin and Levine 209). The music industry sees intellectual property as something they must have absolute control over, because it is everything they own, and it creates their livelihood. On the other hand, consumers and technology activists see restrictions of the legal use of products, such as technologies like digital rights management (DRM), as a direct infringement upon their rights. They believe that once they have legally purchased music or some other copyrighted work, the statute of fair use should apply extensively to what they are legally able to do with it.

The music industry’s approach to this problem is to bring lawsuits against thousands of individuals in an attempt to scare as many people away from file sharing as possible. This flawed approach results from the music industry’s flawed way of viewing the purpose of copyright law in America. They fail to see the distinction between the moral rights and the economic rights granted by copyright. The music industry also delves far too deeply into downstream licensing with their digital rights management schemes, limiting what even law-abiding, legitimate consumers can do with what they legally purchase. In this way, they are punishing those who allow their business to be profitable in the first place.

In doing so, more than anything else the music industry is setting itself up to be the target of much hatred and harsh criticism. A new plan like the Voluntary Collective License would also help remove the negative connotations that are associated with the industry now almost universally among music fans, critics, and technology activists. According to the official Web site of the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), the main representative of the music industry, their mission is “to foster a business and legal climate that supports and promotes our members’ creative and financial vitality” (“What We Do”). The current method of going after their own consumers with outrageous lawsuits and fines is not working at all towards that goal, even though they are somehow able to convince themselves that it does. The current business model that is in place for the music industry is outdated and now it is all but failing miserably. The first problem with it is that the RIAA still refuses to admit that there is anything wrong with the way they have been doing things, even in the face of drastically declining album sales across the board and widespread criticism to boot. The RIAA failed to see the Internet as an opportunity and instead opted to see it as a threat. Because of this, they held to their old business model while music fans found their own ways to distribute and consume content.

It is difficult to broach the subject of intellectual property without also considering technology and innovation, two other major factors that come into play within this discussion. When Grokster, a distributor of peer-to-peer software that enabled illegal file sharing to occur, lost the Supreme Court case against MGM Studios, Charles Ingrassia of the University of Illinois Journal of Law, Technology & Policy quoted a technology activist as calling it “a very dangerous decision for technology and for innovation” (Ingrassia 357). Stemming from their different views on intellectual property, the recording industry and its critics both also have very different views on technology and innovation. The recording industry sees technology as something to create new ways to sell their products to the public, and as a way to enforce their exclusive right to do so. Consumers and technology activists, conversely, see technology as a means to achieve innovation. In this view, technology is something that puts more power in their hands to do what they please with a given product that they own. Innovation, they believe, is the direct result of the advancement of technology. The recording industry sees technology’s purpose as generating more revenue for them while ensuring the protection of their artist’s innovation.

In relation to innovation, Cary Sherman, president of the RIAA, in an interview with PC World claims that the music industry “is already making a lot of new business models” and that “the number of legal download and subscription services that are getting really good reviews right now is staggering.” One must question, however, which reviews he has been reading. In general, the legal options of acquiring music online have been met with dissatisfaction from many people for a variety of reasons. The proof of this is chiefly the fact that illegal music downloading still runs rampant. The reason is not because people will always resort to stealing music even when a good, viable, legal alternative exists. Legal online avenues such as iTunes simply do not offer nearly as many options to the consumer as all the peer-to-peer networks. The biggest problem with most legal online music download stores is one imposed directly by the music industry itself. This problem is a technology known as digital rights management (DRM), where the record companies demand that bundled with all music downloads is software to ensure that the music in question cannot be copied or reproduced beyond a certain limit. While the RIAA sees this as a way of protecting their intellectual property, DRM is an outright infringement upon the rights of consumers, as well as a clear example of the downstream licensing that has not traditionally been a part of American law. According to Wired magazine, in regards to DRM, Columbia Law School professor Tim Wu claims that it is “too often ignored” that DRM “makes the product less valuable by disabling the product in some way” (Singel). Wu is correct in his claim, because essentially that is what DRM is – a lock that limits a product’s usefulness to the consumer. This leaves absolutely no incentive for the consumer to drop the habit of downloading from peer-to-peer file sharing networks and start using legal online music downloading stores. In essence, they would be paying more for less.

The RIAA is trying to ignore this obvious flaw with their new plans to promote downloading music legally online. In response to such annoying business practices, many technology savvy users have found ways around the various DRM schemes. They have developed workarounds that will remove the annoying locks on song files and return them to a normal, reasonable level of usability. However, making things more difficult for consumers was not enough for the RIAA. Beyond enforcing DRM upon most legal music downloads, they also pushed for the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) to be passed in 1998, which made it illegal to tamper with copy protection methods (Schwabach 82). By this new law, everyone who offered workarounds for a DRM method was a criminal. Before the DCMA was law, it would have been legal for someone to make personal copies of albums or songs for themselves, even if that meant bypassing DRM protection, under fair use. Now, this is only the case for non-DRM-protected music, which is a small minority of music downloaded legally.

Finally, when dealing with issues such as copyright infringement, there is the issue of morality to discuss. Why is it that illegal peer-to-peer file sharing of music is so morally acceptable to such a wide variety of people, while the actual theft of a physical product is frowned upon? Mohsen Manesh of the Stanford Technology Law Review pins it down to two reasons. Not only does current technology make it extremely easy and virtually free to make a work in electronic form available online to anyone accessing the World Wide Web, but also there is a definite “moral distinction” in the minds of those committing copyright infringement between what they are doing and theft (Manesh 2–3). Manesh contends that the reason why people look down on theft but not on copyright infringement is perhaps not based on the law at all, but rather on that “moral distinction” (3). Although consumers may feel that they are acting within morality when they commit copyright infringement, this is not the view of the recording industry. The recording industry repeatedly compares copyright infringement directly to theft and sometimes even much more serious crimes. There may be no physical copy of a work being taken from them, but they still feel every bit as violated and have gone out of their way to make this clear. This is how the RIAA justifies bringing lawsuits against the thousands of individuals who have no moral problem with illegal file sharing, but instead of creating more dissent between the two sides, a new plan like the Voluntary Collective License should be adopted in order to form a solution that works. Otherwise, the ongoing battle would have no end in sight.

The implications of this battle over content control stretch worldwide, reaching both everyone in the music industry as well as music fans and technology activists alike. At this point, the RIAA is unlikely to acknowledge that there is anything wrong with their current plan of simply suing every “copyright infringer” they can find. While they see this as scaring off other potential file sharers, what it is really doing is making the need for a new plan even more obvious. Eventually, this will bring the music industry to the realization that they need to start doing something proactive to save their failing business model. It will be years before something like the Voluntary Collective License or Songwriters Association of Canada plan will be able to be seriously considered at large, but when the RIAA is finally ready to admit they need a real change, those plans will still be there, ready to bring relevance back to the music industry.


Works Cited

    Ingrassia, Charles. "A Helpful Loss? the Implications of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios, Inc. V. Grokster, Ltd. on Future Distribution of Products Capable of Infringing Uses." University of Illinois Journal of Law, Technology & Policy (2005): 357-367. 24 Feb. 2008 <http://www.jltp.uiuc.edu/recdevs/ingrassia.pdf>.

    Kot, Greg. "How $5 Could Save the Music Industry." Chicago Tribune 20 Jan. 2008: 1.

    Schwabach, Aaron. Intellectual Property : a Reference Handbook. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2007.

"What We Do." RIAA. Recording Industry Association of America. 13 Jan. 2008 <http://www.riaa.com/whatwedo.php>.

Thursday, March 27, 2008

wrangler jeans

If you have good posture
and it doesn't worry you
try helping another
as they struggle in their chair

Still or straight it doesn't matter
The question is still there
It will serve you right
It serves them right

Monday, March 3, 2008

Life through math

All of the lights are off. My monitor glows alone in the dark.
There are many kinds of relationships in the world. For instance, we say that two people are related by blood if they share a common ancestor and that they are related by marriage if one shares a common ancestor with the spouse of the other. We also speak of the relationship between boyfriend and girlfriend, between student and teacher, between people who work for the same employer, and between people who share a common ethnic background.
I read this. I think about life and everything. Told between the covers of a mathematics textbook.

Anyway, I recently saw the Black Lips perform live at the Logan Square Auditorium. This was a fun show for me, primarily because of its intensity. It is rare that I enjoy the live music of a band I am not familiar with. This was an exception. I was crushed in the midst of the excited crowd. My body was swayed powerlessly among them. As the furious crowd shouted the lyrics back at the band, I felt for a moment that I was foreign.



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